Rhodian

Rhodian is Romance language spoken on and around the island of Rhodes in the southeastern Aegean Sea. It is heavily influenced by the Rhodian Doric variety of Greek spoken on the island before, as well as French and Italian from the Knights Hospitaller who ruled the island until a communist revolution in 1924. Thenceforth, it incorporated many Russian loanwords.

In the modern day, Rhodian is spoken by around 150,000 people worldwide; around 103,000 of those in Rhodes and the surrounding islands, 9,000 in the coastal regions of southwest Turkey, 6,000 in Greece - mainly in some villages on Crete, on the Greek side of Karpathos (Cárpatu), and on Kasos (Casu) - and the rest in diaspora around the world, mainly in Germany, Romania, the UK and the USA. There used to be a large Rhodian minority in Russia, but since the 1990s it has largely disappeared.



Classification and Dialects
Rhodian within the Republic of Rhodes has largely lost its dialectal variation since the communist era, during which time the use of Standard Rhodian was enforced to create a sense of national cohesion. However, in other places - particularly in Turkey - the dialects are very rich and varied.

Rhodian is an isolate within the Romance family, but the Romance language with which Rhodian bears the most similarity is said to be either Sardinian or Vlach/Romanian. This is largely a lexical and aesthetic similarity, as the grammar of Rhodian is highly divergent. It derives 55% of its vocabulary directly from Latin and around 32% from Greek, mainly the Rhodian Doric variety. The remainder of the vocabulary is made up of French (5%), Russian (4%), Italian (2.4%), with others such as English and Turkish accounting for the rest. It retained cases from Latin, of which there are between 5 and 7 depending on whom you ask and how you count, and has a much more robust morphological tense system than other Romance languages - including the simple aorist, a convention borrowed from Greek.

Phonology and Writing System
Rhodian is written with the Latin alphabet, although it has been written in the Greek and Cyrillic scripts in the past. Letters can stand for many different sounds due to rampant lenition that took place in the language.

On top of the 24 base letters, there are three diacritics used in Rhodian.

The acute accent is used on all vowel letters (á é í ó ú ý) and marks irregular stress. Many words are distinguished by stress, such as ancon (javelin, spear) and ancón (elbow, corner, meander). Stress is usually on the penult in Rhodian, although lenition and reduction can often blur the lines between syllables in speech, but in writing it's pretty transparent.

The grave accent is used on some vowel letters (à è ì ù ỳ) is used in two ways. First, it's used to distinguish between certain words that are spelt the same, a convention adopted from French. Contrast words like trans (across) with tràns (interesting). The second and much more common purpose is to de-emphasise some vowels. For example, the word piscìs (fish) is pronounced [pɪʃ], but would be pronounced [ˈpɪ.ʃɪs] without the diacritic.

The final diacritic and arguably the most characteristic in Rhodian is the circumflex, used again on all vowel letters (â ê î ô û ŷ). It has two functions also, the first being to separate vowels in different syllables that may otherwise be construed as diphthongs, such as the word eâr (spring - [ˈɛ.aɾ]). This function hearkens back to the origin of this diacritic, the ancient Greek trema, which was written more like a diaeresis but on Rhodes was simplified to require only one stroke to write - a convention which some printhouses still neglect. The second more important use of the circumflex in Rhodian is to transform 'soft vowels' into 'hard vowels'. Some Rhodian consonants lenite in the presence of the vowels ,  and , dubbed 'soft vowels', with the other vowels being by extension named 'hard vowels'. Occasionally, a consonant is not lenited before a soft vowel - usually due to etymological shenanigans - and this is marked by putting a circumflex over the vowel. Compare the words ce (to, up to, against - [ʃɛ]) and cê (also, and - [kɛ]). It is worth noting, however, that the circumflex does not affect the lenition of some consonants, notably  and .

There are also many sequences of letters that have perhaps unexpected pronunciations: Rhodian also has a system of velarisation, where liquids that are next to historic [g] sounds are velarised. For example, the word gregalis (common, usual) is pronounced [ɾɣɛ.ˈjajs]. This applies to , but also ,  and . It is worth noting that among younger speakers this velarisation is disappearing and the consonants are pronounced plain.
 * 1)  is pronounced as [b] in word-initial consonant clusters only, elsewhere it is [w] ~ [β].
 * 2)  is pronounced [k] before hard vowels, [ʃ] before soft vowels, [x] after most vowels but [ç] after vowels [i] and [ɪ] and glide [j].
 * 3)  is pronounced [ð] intervocalically and syllable-finally (occasionally devoiced to [θ] word-finally) and [d̪] elsewhere.
 * 4)  is pronounced [j] in the sequences  and , with the exception of the first-person singular nominative pronoun, in which it is pronounced [ʒ].
 * 5)  is pronounced [ɣ] around hard vowels except , around which it is pronounced [w]. It is pronounced [j] around soft vowels.
 * 6) <i> is pronounced [ɪ], except from in the verb ending, where it is [i]
 * 7) <l> is pronounced [l] around hard vowels, [j] around soft vowels, [w] before fricatives and [ɮ] before stops (both assuming it is not already lenited by a soft vowel).
 * 8) <o> is pronounced [ɔ] in stressed syllables and [o] in unstressed syllables.
 * 9) is only found in the digraph <qu>, where it is usually pronounced [kʷ] before hard vowels (except ) and [k] elsewhere. However, it is pronounced [k] in all environments by many speakers, particularly in informal speech.
 * 10) <r> is pronounced as a tap [ɾ], but when doubled as <rr> it is usually pronounced [r] or [r̥]. It is also often devoiced, particularly around unvoiced consonants.
 * 11) <x> is pronounced as [ks] intervocalically, and as [s] elsewhere. There is a growing tendency to pronounce intervocalic <x> as a geminated [s], probably from Italian influence.
 * <di> + any vowel = [ʒ], <dì> anywhere.
 * <de> (unstressed) + <a, o> = [ʒ], <dè> anywhere.
 * <si>/<ti> + any vowel = [ʃ].
 * <se>/<te> + <a, o, u> = [ʃ].
 * <li> <ly> <le> <gi> <gy> <ge> are often reduced to simply [j] in unstressed syllables.
 * <cî>/<tî> + any vowel = often [ɕ].
 * Final <t> and <d> sometimes are softened to [θ] after vowels - particularly in informal or dialectal speech (in the areas closer to Greece).
 * <mb> and <nd> are pronounced as long nasals rather than clusters or prenasalised stops. Sometimes there is a more forceful, stop-like release, but this is minimal.
 * Coda <n> before voiceless consonants is often deleted.
 * <tc> + high vowel = [t͡ʃ], <tç> anywhere

Declensions, Gender and Cases
Nouns in Rhodian are divided into two genders, Masculine and Feminine. Within these genders, there are six declension patterns that determine how nouns change when they decline into each of Rhodian's five cases, which it retained from Latin - thanks in part to the Greek influence upon the language. A noun's declension is independent of its gender, and while there are some declensions that have a particular gender associated with them (1st declension feminine nouns, 2nd and 3rd declension masculine nouns) there are many exceptions to that rule. Furthermore, there are a small subset of noun endings that do not correspond to these declensions, as they are common derivational suffixes that diverged slightly, the most common example being -siu (from Latin -tiō, related to English/French -tion, Spanish -ción, etc).

(AN: I would highly recommend expanding the page view so as not to be bamboozled by the formatting of this table) NB: ~ refers to a very variable ending. | * the -e ending can also be -y if the nominative form of the noun ends in -iu

Rhodian has a case called the Locative-Vocative, which was formed from the merger of the Latin ablative and vocative cases. It is used as a vocative and also to mark the objects of many prepositions of location. It is also sometimes called the Prepositional-Vocative, and while being technically more accurate it has less of a ring to it so that name is less frequently used.

There are also many verbs in Rhodian that assign cases other than the Nominative and Accusative to their subjects and objects respectively, a phenomenon known cross-linguistically as quirky subject.

Finally, an interesting aspect of both nouns and verbs (as discussed later) in Rhodian is stem alteration, where the nominative singular form of the verb does not correspond to its stem. Examples include words like aner (man - whence pronoun ner, more below) becoming andra (acc); the stem of this noun is not aner- but andr-. Stem alteration is a phenomenon most common in the fifth declension but pervasive throughout all categories of nouns, much to the chagrin of bright-eyed learners.

Pronouns
The Rhodian third-person pronouns are dissimilar to almost all of the modern Romance language pronouns, with the exception of Romanian. This is due to the fact they come from a different set of Latin demonstratives, notably 'ea/is/id' rather than 'illa/illus/illud'. The Genitive and possessive pronouns are also identical, but are understood to be different due to their placement either before or after the relevant noun.

The Vocative is also labelled Emphatic, as some argue this label is closer to their actual function; similar to the emphatic (or disjunctive) pronouns in languages such as Dutch and French. However, this form remains that which the pronoun takes in agreement with certain prepositions that assign a more Vocative meaning, as well as being etymologically descended from the Latin (and in the case of ner, Greek) Vocative cases, so the name Vocative still tends to be used.
 * 1) Pronounced [ʒɔ]
 * 2) Pronounced [ja] (see above)
 * 3) Originally ýu, often still so in older or more formal texts (pronunciation remains [ju] rather than expected [ˈi.u])
 * 4) In recent years, dra has slowly begun being replaced by ner
 * 5) The spelling and pronunciation of this pronoun, and its declined derivatives (as genitive pronouns agree in case and number with the possessed argument) is strange. It is pronounced in its base form [jɛw] and all other forms follow this same pattern, such as eia (feminine nom sg possessee) pronounced as [ja] and eiie (masculine gen sg possessee) as [ˈjɛ.jɛ].

Furthermore, the third-person singular epicene pronoun is contentious among some speakers. It was coined in response to the growing frustration of a strange pair: the small Rhodian non-binary gender community and the even smaller Rhodian community of document writers. The former group wished to have an official pronoun by which to refer to themselves and the latter group wanted to cut down on the ink costs from having to print ' ey/e, eoru/earu'  and such like on all their forms, not to mention the differences in formatting between choosing to type ' e(y)'  or  'ey/e' and the potential biases toward either sex that this presented. Many older and/or less informed speakers combat the joint decision by the Buró Regularu Lengue Rodou (the Bureau of Language Standardisation of Rhodes) and the Lexicon Rodie (Rhodian Dictionary) to include it in their official documentation as of the 2021 reforms.

Articles and Demonstratives
Rhodian has a definite article but no indefinite article. Occasionally though, the numeral one (ys/mía) is used to specify exactly one of something, but this doesn't carry the same exact meaning as a generic indefinite article. The definite article is very different from that found in modern Romance languages, due to it coming from Greek. It also declines for only four cases; the nominative also expressing the vocative and the dative also expressing the locative. There is no comitative article, as there is with pronouns. Note: mass nouns are ascribed plural articles, not singular ones. For example, 'the grass' = te herba, not ha herba (the latter would imply a specific type of grass)

There are also demonstrative pronouns, derived from Latin. These take slightly different cases than other nouns.

These follow a relatively predictable pattern of declension, contrasting with the personal pronouns.

Numerals
The last set of relevant determiners are the numerals, which up to and including the number three have irregular declension patterns. All cardinal numbers are derived from Greek, as that was the most common trading language in the Aegean Sea, but the ordinal numbers are all from Latin. Because of this, the Greek-derived numbers decline for the same four cases as the definite article, and the Latin-derived numbers for the five of most other nouns. The irregularly declined numbers are as follows.

Present Tense
Rhodian verbs are divided into four conjugations, based on the ending of the infinitive verb. All of these four verb classes can conjugate into all of Rhodian's 5 morphological tenses in the indicative mood and 4 in the subjunctive mood. The regular present tense indicative mood conjugations of verbs are as follows. * [rn] is not a permitted cluster word-finally, so the <r> is deleted.

As seen, each of the conjugations is characterised by its theme vowel - or lack thereof. Rhodian is relatively unique among modern Romance languages for having 4 conjugations rather than the typical 3, although Romanian has between 4 and 11 depending on who's counting. However, it is important to remember the phenomenon of stem change often comes into play, and is considered a regular feature of the language even though the patterns may seem arbitrary to the untrained eye.

Past Tenses
There are three past tenses in Rhodian, distinguished by aspect and proximity.

Past Perfect Tense
The past perfect tense describes actions that took place at a point in the distant past, but also can fill the role of a more traditional perfect tense such as that in English. it does not follow patterns based on the verb's conjugation, but rather has one set of endings. However, stem change is very common in this tense, and some conjugations are more prone to one pattern of stem change.

The stem change in this tense follows a few main patterns that are relatively predictable. (organised in order of rarity, most common at the top) | NB: all features patterns are considered regular

The patterns are characterised by their infixes between the stem and the ending.

Past Aorist Tense
For more recent past events, the aorist is used, characterised by its use of a prefix as well as a suffix. This is usually described in such terms, rather than as a circumfix, as while the suffix part changes with person, the prefix part does not. These also have only one form irrespective of conjugation class,

There is sometimes a degree of stem change in the aorist, but it is far less common. Due to stress change brought about by the addition of a prefix, the vowels of a stem may sometimes be regularly simplified or simply deleted, but this is not considered stem change in its purest form. Sometimes, the prefixed e- will interact with the first vowel of a word and change it, but this is predictable. If the vowel is <a> or <i> it will change to <e> or <y>, but if it is any other vowel the e- will become i-, pronounced [j]. Also, the suffix will voice if next to a voiced consonant in most contexts. The main possible aorist mutations

Past Imperfect Tense
This final past tense is probably the most simple; it undergoes very little stem change and the patterns are very predictable. It does vary based on conjugation, and the forms are displayed below.

Tectasiu Universalis Drate Ántroporu, Statîé I à III
Statîá I

Ántropoi nascun tote lybres e equales axitaton e drate. Daty eiey sun volunta e fran, cê sin ei devre facère intersive cu virtute fraterne.

Statîá II

Toi drates e lyberte dixty i hà tectasiene dèy esse myrablies omnie, cars alique distincsiens; tanquau gene, colure, sexe, lengua, trescyia, plera publices an allou, génese gostarstvie an socialis, proprieta, lasiene an site alle. Porró, cars distincsiu sé factu perinde sitie publices, iuridicie an internationales gostarstvie an áreê uy-è veniat quispiau; étiamsy lyber, su custodia, ne guvernans se, an cu aliqui orvasiene lybertas.

Statîá III

Omnia at drà vyte, lybertas e siria sui.

TRANSLATION:

 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, articles 1 to 10 

Article 1

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Article 2

Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.

Article 3

Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.

–

Ha Vea Procera à mía Ctona Parvau e Yratau
Díe 128, Annu Canonicu CG-ie 306

Spedisiu

Donec civevat ea se, mnaovit tce reos. Primie, itinerevit trans to prostranstvu. Altres, erat incoaturu cu lavore novele vu ne potuit perdre. Tertiie, at corruptu preseu hodegou pre iu facère dare ei zapyscas identite noveles. Nyl huiu informasiens erat novel, sè ne erat saluber veniens ciendie se.

Undievat esse iau vigil, certe ne trans adú en díeu, hun myrat ea ast quiá reservandu avecsieneu srani. Avecsiu srani valet celnoc srani petans cu casto sraniie, e medìcina srani pre te anestesiere. Ea erat citu i sunydeseu niemnoga volta – oriens i ere, cadens apó momentu ea quispiau taxare potuit. O celnoc erat syfennu; ne gegerun aliquas ecranes guverneses. Ne gegit veau heuriscre quantu tempu essu fuit intre unusc orindu, quosque erat itineratu, an èi vel itinereret ea. Ha ennea eau fecit egra cremánandie.

Eia vorasis psylevit se satìs pre attendre ta fenestrau. Te cremante eran tracte à alte e arcevan omnie géneses potes luces. Ecvat nyl gegerun. Ea erat nunc certe i cenoma. Cars planetaru homylennaru, cars rute avecsionu, cars circulatru lucentu. Monu caû, caû atróx, ìpletu nyls an eia e quondau saxie.

O dvigateli torbavat du hetymavat y magi ien salto sustromas. Ha medìcina veneit poi, eau traêns i somnu molleu. Du explanavat ea, doxit rursu lavorie, mendaciie, andrié i prospo preses du cêvevat ea credites i eiu forsiereu. Mermirixit èi satìs fuerit. Dèy satìs esse, tau dèy. Emit iau nimiu errorivu vous ne fecit ea.

Eiy ocy clauserun. Ha medìcina eau cepit. O celnoc, sperose, perrexit.

TRANSLATION:

 The Long Way to a Small, Angry Planet 

As she woke up in the pod, she remembered three things. First, she was traveling through open space. Second, she was about to start a new job, one she could not screw up. Third, she had bribed a government official into giving her a new identity file. None of this information was new, but it wasn’t pleasant to wake up to.

She wasn’t supposed to be awake yet, not for another day at least, but that was what you got for booking cheap transport. Cheap transport meant a cheap pod flying on cheap fuel, and cheap drugs to knock you out. She had flickered into  consciousness several times  since  launch —  surfacing in confusion, falling back just as she’d gotten a grasp on things. The pod was dark, and there were no navigational screens. There was no way to tell how much time had passed between each waking, or how far she’d traveled, or if she’d even been traveling at all. The thought made her anxious, and sick.

Her vision cleared enough for her to focus on the window. The shutters were down, blocking out any possible light sources. She knew there were none. She was out in the open now. No bustling planets, no travel lanes, no sparkling orbiters. Just emptiness, horrible emptiness, filled with nothing but herself and the occasional rock.

The engine whined as it prepared for another sublayer jump. The drugs reached out, tugging her down into uneasy sleep. As she faded, she thought again of the job, the lies, the smug look on the official’s face as she’d poured credits into his account. She wondered if it had been enough. It had to be. It had to. She’d paid too much already for mistakes she’d had no part in.

Her eyes closed. The drugs took her. The pod, presumably, continued on.